Thai for Australians - Learn to speak Thai Audio CDs

Basic Learn Thai CD Discount Thai speak Language

Pimsleur Basic Thai 5 Audio CDs More Thai Language Learning click here Pimsleur Basic Thai 5 Audio CDs Brand New : . 5 CDs This Basic program contains 5 hours of audio-only effective language learning with real-life spoken practice sessions. The Pimsleur Method provides the most effective language-learning program ever developed. The Pimsleur Method gives you quick command of Thai structure without tedious drills. Learning to speak Thai can actually be enjoyable and rewarding. The key reason most people struggle with new languages is that they aren't given proper instruction only bits and pieces of a language. Other language programs sell only pieces -- dictionaries; grammar books and instru extra info.....

Thai

Teach Yourself Thai Conversation 3 audio CDs and Booklet More Thai Language Learning click here Teach Yourself Thai Conversation - 3 Audio CDs and Booklet CD Brand New (still shrink wrapped): 3 CDs and booklet - by David Smyth Talk in Thai with confidence "Teach Yourself Thai Conversation" is an entertaining nonintimidating way for you to build conversational proficiency or brush up on your skills. Ten common situations--such as buying food and drink shopping asking for directions and visiting locals--are each represented by two sample conversations to show you how language is used in daily life. With simple and bite-size explanations and instructions you will easily gain confidence in conve find out more.....

Audio CDs THAI

Travel Talk Thai Lonely Planet Phrase Book and 2 Audio CDs More Thai Language Learning click here Travel Talk Thai - Lonely Planet Phrase Book and 2 Audio CDs Brand New : . Phrase Book 2 CDs 60 minute Audio CD of 300 key words and phrases with Digital Audio Guide plus a Thai Music CD to set the scene. As well a Lonely Planet phrasebook and 2-way dictionary. About the Thai Language Thai is the national and official language of Thailand and the mother tongue of the Thai people Thailand's dominant ethnic group. Thai is a member of the Tai group of the Tai-Kadai language family. The Tai-Kadai languages are thought to have originated in what is now southern China and some linguists have proposed find out more.....

Audio Thai Speak Language Understand Learn Pimsleur with Thai Conversational

Pimsleur Conversational Thai 8CDs 16 Lessons Audio CDs play on Car/Portable/Home CD player More Thai Language Learning click here Pimsleur Conversational Thai 8 Audio CDs Brand New : . 8 CDs This Basic program contains 8 hours of audio-only effective language learning with real-life spoken practice sessions. The Pimsleur Method provides the most effective language-learning program ever developed. The Pimsleur Method gives you quick command of Thai structure without tedious drills. Learning to speak Thai can actually be enjoyable and rewarding. The key reason most people struggle with new languages is that they aren't given proper instruction only bits and pieces of a language. Other language more.....

Thai Travel Phrase Thai speak

Berlitz Thai Travel Pack - Phrase Book and Audio CD Get Other Thai Audio click here Berlitz Thai Travel Pack - Phrase Book and Audio CD Brand New 1 Audio CD 192 page Phrase Book This travel pack offers a fast and effective way for travellers to learn basic words and phrases. Based on the Berlitz listen-and-repeat approach the CD features more than 300 essential expressions while the book contains more than 1200 words and phrases. * 1 200 words and phrases * sections color-coded by topic * easy-to-understand pronunciation * dictionary * menu reader * emergency expressions * CD includes more than 300 useful words and expressions * listen and learn anytime anywhere CD Track 1 - Introduction B extra info.....

Yourself Teach BOOK

Teach Yourself Thai Book and Double CD By David Smyth More Thai Language Learning click here Teach Yourself Thai Book and 2 Audio CDs Teach Yourself Thai is the course for anyone who wants to progress quickly from the basics to understanding speaking and writing Thai with confidence. Although aimed at those with no previous knowledge it is equally suitable for anyone wishing to brush up existing knowledge or refresh rusty language skills for a holiday or business trip. The book will give you a solid introduction to the Thai writing system so you can go on to extend your knowledge beyond the book and the recorded material will help you with the pronunciation of this tonal language. The double more.....

Preah Vihear - Get over it

Do people really want to be prisoners of the past? Whipping up this issue could easily result in chaos if not handled carefully and properly. By Piyaporn Wongruang Even though Preah Vihear has joined the ranks of places listed as World Heritage sites, former Cambodian soldier Wan, 60, may not play his fiddle in exchange for money from tourists at the temple. Due to fears of a Thai-mobilised rally against Cambodia's inscription of the temple on the World Heritage List, the border around the temple has been closed. No tourists are allowed until further notice. It is not difficult to imagine how tough the life of the ex-soldier could become. He only has one leg, his musical talents and Preah Vihear to rely on after the war in Cambodia some 30 years ago. Uncle Wan is but one among the potential losers from this conflict at the moment. Many more are likely to follow his path as resentment among people in both countries has heightened to the point that some academics believe no side can afford to be seen as losing, now that the 11th-century Hindu temple has been listed as a new World Heritage site. Since the Cambodian government first lodged its application for World Heritage status in 1991, people of the two countries have been drawn into a conflict they did not directly cause. Amid the increasingly politicised dispute, a boundary line which has never been clearly seen on the site has emerged as the crux of the problem caused by the past, unsettled border demarcation. Historian Srisakra Vallibhotama believes that the site at the temple of Preah Vihear conformed to the ancient concept of using landmarks associated with spiritual belief as boundary marks. Considering the landscape, the promontory of Dangrek Range where Preah Vihear is located, clearly separates the Cambodian plain from the Korat plateau stretching down towards the Thai side. Historical evidence suggests that the area had long been used as a sacred site before Preah Vihear was built on top of it around the early 11th century. The ancient concept of organic boundary started shifting toward one that is more fixed - a line on a map - when Western imperialists arrived in the region and took over some parts of it, according to Surachart Bamrungsuk. The political scientist and military expert at Chulalongkorn University added that the concept of a modern state and clear demarcation lines was a crucial tool for the Western powers to differentiate between states that came under their protection. "What happened was that those imperial countries tended to have more power over other states in the region. The imbalance led to a forced acceptance of some disadvantages in demarcation, and Thailand, or Siam back then, was no different," said Dr Surachart. The Preah Vihear case reflects the larger demarcation problem left over from the past. It is a common problem in several areas around the world, Dr Surachart said. Even though some people keep referring to the fact that Thailand had reserved the right to revive the case regarding ownership of Preah Vihear temple (which it lost to Cambodia in 1962) should new evidence emerge, Dr Surachart cautioned that it is virtually impossible to try to claim lost territory back. The country functions as a modern state at present. It is bound by international legal and diplomatic mores which it has to respect, or face the consequences. These "consequences" can take the shape of sanctions, or even war. A war between neighbouring countries could be very painful as the conflict and suffering will be passed on from one generation to another. Such a rift cannot be healed in a short space of time, Dr Surachart said. The academic views the court case concerning Preah Vihear as being over, especially after Thailand itself drew another boundary line in compliance with the watershed line which excludes the temple, following the 1962 ruling of the International Court of Justice. Instead of letting emotions run high and clouding the issue, Dr Surachart called on both Thai and Cambodian people to exercise reason and find the wisdom required to get out of the conflict. Whipping up this issue could easily result in chaos if not handled carefully and properly. He reminded society that there are established diplomatic channels for countries with overlapping boundaries to explore to settle their disputes. The process can result in a re-drawing of the boundary line. In cases where a dispute cannot be settled, options are available for different ways of joint management. One of the concepts can be applied to the case of Preah Vihear, the surrounding area of which remains disputed as it is claimed by both Thailand and Cambodia. "I have to emphasise here that the listing of the Preah Vihear temple as a World Heritage site will not affect any country's boundary as the World Heritage Convention clearly sets such a condition to prevent conflicts between concerned countries," said Dr Surachart. In fact, the two countries have 15 more overlapping locations which need to be settled, and they need to move on with the work, he said. "The question we have to ask ourselves really hard is whether we really want a war, and whether a war would really bring us back territory perceived as being lost," said Dr Surachart. "Do we still want to be 'a prisoner of the past'? Or do we want to help one another break the 'barrier' imposed by the past?"

Another court blow

The government suffered its third justice-administered setback in 24 hours on Wednesday as the Constitution Court kicked Public Health Minister Chaiya Sasomsab out of office. Judges even back-dated Mr Chaiya's dismissal to March 6, for failure to declare his wife's holding in a company. Mr Chaiya said he didn't know he had to report the fact that Mrs Churai holds 50 per cent of a private company - 25,000 shares worth 2.5 million baht. Any such holdings by a spouse or children above 5 per cent of the total value of a company must be reported to the National Counter Corruption Commission within 30 days of assuming office. Since Mr Chaiya was sworn in and missed the March 7 deadline for reporting, the judges ordered his dismissal from the government as effective on that date. The dismissal from the cabinet of Mr Chaiya is not just a further political blow. As minister, Mr Chaiya was a lightning rod of controversy as he took action that effectively halted and tried to reverse so-called "compulsory licensing" of drugs - the fancy term for busting patents so that the government does not have to pay intellectual property charges. Several civil groups had banded together to try to impeach the minister. In addition, he faced a fightback from several civil servants he transferred away from the compulsory licensing issue. But his dismissal is more than another indirect victory for anti-government NGOs. Mr Chaiya, a provincial powerhouse in Nakhon Pathom, east of Bangkok, is what political organisers call a major financier of the ruling People Power party (PPP) and also a personal favourite of ex-premier Thaksin Shinawatra, who still wields major behind-the-scenes influence. Mr Chaiya said from the beginning that if he were ordered dismissed from the cabinet, he would insist his elder brother, Padermchai, be appointed to succeed him. That leaves Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej in a tight spot when he begins what appears to be an inevitable cabinet reshuffle in coming days. He is under strong pressure from both within the PPP and the opposition to get rid of under-performing and controversial ministers, and to appoint competent replacements, to try to regain authority lost in the past several months of political chaos. He has three basic choices: Bow to the "party financier" on the public health ministry, ignore or try to negotiate with him and appoint someone else - or dissolve parliament and call yet another election. Mr Samak gave no hint of his preference on Wednesday. Before the results of Mr Chaiya's trial were announced, he said he was unworried by court decisions against his government on Wednesday - to red-card ex-House speaker Yongyuth Tiyapairat and ban him from politics for five years, and to rule that Foreign Minister Noppadon Pattama and the cabinet had acted against the constitution in supporting the Cambodian bid to list the Preah Vihear temple as a Unesco-sponsored World Heritage Site. The premier said he would make no direct comment on his next actions until Sunday, when he speaks to the nation on his weekly morning TV show. He got strongly conflicting advice from all sides on Wednesday about whether to call a snap election. Even within the PPP, opinion was divided. Only Mr Samak has the power to dissolve the House.

Preah Vihear - Heritage lost

Cambodians celebrate but many Thais are unhappy with the World Heritage Committee's decision on the Preah Vihear temple. The controversial struggle to list Preah Vihear as a World Heritage site ended on Monday, with Unesco announcing that the Hindu temple's application had been accepted. The decision, by the World Heritage Committee (WHC), received a mixed reaction from Cambodians and Thais. Impromptu celebrations coursed through Cambodia as people learned the news. But over the border, dissatisfaction among Thais is growing. According to a Thai source who attended the meeting, Cambodia's proposal sailed through the consideration of the committee members. The WHC chairwoman had proposed the draft resolution and asked the committee members to approve it without opening the floor to any debates, the source said. Cambodia had underlined three key points in its bid to get Preah Vihear listed, but in the event the temple won over the committee with its first criterion-the representation of a masterpiece of human creative genius. This prompted Thailand to express its opposition to the "unilateral inscription of Preah Vihear on only one criterion". Thailand is now also further challenging the integrity of the site, as well as the unsettled border line. "We are very disappointed that our appeal for the joint nomination has been repeatedly denied, and now an exception has been made to list Preah Vihear as a World Heritage site on the basis of just one criterion," said a draft statement by the Thai World Heritage Committee. "Without the proper buffer zones, and without the necessity cultural and natural landscapes on all sides, the temple has been denied the dignity and the integrity it deserves in being listed as a World Heritage site." Standing on top of the high cliff on the Dangrek Range separating Thailand's lower Northeast and Cambodia, the temple has long been valued as an exceptional piece of work from the ancient world. The temple, built in the early 11th century to worship the Hindu god Shiva, featured a succession of courtyards and key buildings including gopuras, stairways and pavements stretching in a north-south orientation. This clearly reflects the Khmer aptitude for domesticating vast territories and adapting to the landscape, and it is these qualities which convinced the committee to accept the application under the first criterion. According to the International Council of Monuments and Sites, an advisory body for the WHC, it was noted that "the full value of the temple of Preah Vihear is inextricably linked to the surrounding landscape and that the planning and orientation of the temple, facing north, is quite different from other Khmer temples." The temple complex, however, was separated politically from its surrounding land in 1962, when the International Court of Justice ruled that the temple - but not all of its immediate surroundings - was situated on Cambodian soil. Arguments about which country has sovereignty over the temple and its surroundings have continued ever since between Cambodia and Thailand. Cambodia has sought World Heritage status for Preah Vihear since the early 1990s, but until this year's joint communique controversy, Thailand has never been involved in the development of the application. Cambodia's original proposal included the overlapping area stretching beyond the stairways towards Thai soil, but Thailand protested. Cambodia eventually removed the overlapping area from its proposal and won the WHC's approval. Historian Srisakra Vallibhotama said listing Preah Vihear as a World Heritage site betrays a lack of understanding of the site's universal value. Instead of securing the site as a treasure for enthusiasts of ancient civilisations, he said this listing could lead to confrontations. "It is important to understand the site's universal value," said Mr Srisakra. "And we should understand the boundary is not a geographical one, but rather a cultural one. Turning the area into a World Heritage site does not preserve the culture, it only preserves the physical structure in order to attract tourists." The WHC, meanwhile, has clarified its stance on the border issue. It says that under Article 11.3 of the Convention, the inscription of Preah Vihear has no implications for any ongoing negotiations concerning the boundary between the two countries, and this does not prejudice the rights of both governments to reach an amicable settlement. The organisation has asked Cambodia to further define the perimeter of the buffer zone, complete the management plan for the property and its buffer zone, and convene an international coordinating committee for the safeguarding of the property, inviting Thailand and other "appropriate partners" as members, according to the office of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation in Bangkok. "The WHC's decision encourages Cambodia and Thailand to work together for the safekeeping of the property," the agency said.

Political crisis

The Supreme Court on Tuesday backed an Election Commission ruling that influential ex-House speaker Yongyuth Tiyapairat committed fraud during campaign for the Dec 23 election. The verdict expels him from parliament and threatens the ruling People Power party with imminent dissolution. After the verdict, PPP members began arguing whether to dissolve the House and call snap elections, a path reportedly favoured by Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej and several coalition party leaders. Mr Yongyuth immediately lost his own Chiang Rai seat. He is barred from politics for five years. The Supreme Court's Electoral Fraud Division ruled that Mr Yongyuth had attempted to bribe influential kamnan to back him and his PPP candidates in Chiang Rai. Mr Yongyuth's sister was earlier given a yellow card, and the verdict upheld that as well. By a 3-2 vote, the court decided that Mr Yongyuth was guilty of the alleged vote-buying. The court took two hours to read the background to the case and the verdict. The verdict cited a key witness in the case, kamnan Chaiwat Changkaokham of Mae Chan. He told the EC last May that he and other village officials were offered 20,000 baht if they would swing their influence to helping Mr Yongyuth and the PPP in the election. Thai media reported on Tuesday that Premier Samak met on Monday with key coalition partners Chart Thai leader Banharn Silpa-archa, Pracharaj leader Sanoh Thienthong, Puea Pandin leader Suwit Khunkitti, and Matchimathipataya leader Anongwan Thepsuthin. They reportedly agreed that Mr Samak should dissolve parliament if Mr Yongyuth was found guilty. In addition to PPP, four of the five coalition parties also face dissolution over various cases wending their way through the independent organisations and the courts: Chart Thai, Matchimathipataya and Puea Pandin. The premier could also choose to try to ride out the crisis with a major cabinet reshuffle, replacing a number of lightning rod ministers and attempting to focus on the economy. Although he is premier and nominal leader of PPP, Mr Samak is an "outsider" in the party, which is heir for ex-premier Thaksin Shinawatra's Thai Rak Thai. The decision to dissolve the House and call an election is vital, but not urgent. The Election Commission will now get the Yongyuth verdict back, and will begin deliberations on whether to recommend whether to go ahead with a case to dissolve the PPP, a process which would take several months. "I am sure the party will be dissolved unless there is a miracle," said Pol Lt Col Karn Tienkeow, a deputy leader of the PPP. "In Thailand it is too easy to dissolve parties."

The 'New Politics' charade

The rationale for wanting to dismantle Thailand's electoral system is evident: pro-Thaksin forces keep winning elections. So in the view of the PAD, there is a need to bring about a revolution in political representation. Michael Connors teaches politics at La Trobe University. He is the author of Democracy and National Identity in Thailand (2007). This article first appeared in Asia Sentinel. No longer content with the old slogan of Thaksin Tid Khook, Samak Awk Pai (Thaksin in gaol, Samak get out), Sondhi Limthongkul, the core leader of the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD), has called for "New Politics". I heard Mr Sondhi's New Politics speech delivered from the stage on July 4, close to Government House in Bangkok. It was the 41st day of the PAD's new round of street protests. New Politics turns out to be a startlingly reactionary proposal to move Thailand's parliamentary system towards a form of appointed corporatism, or what might be called a selectoral democracy: 30% of MPs would come from elections, perhaps one per province, and the rest of the MPs would derive from various occupations and associations. Mr Sonthi says the proportion is not fixed, it's up for debate. The rationale for wanting to dismantle Thailand's electoral system is evident: pro-Thaksin forces keep winning elections. And as Mr Thaksin is said to represent everything bad about Thai politics, he cannot be allowed to wield power directly or indirectly. Thus, for Mr Sondhi - and it would seem the PAD leadership as a whole - there is now a need to bring about a revolution in political representation. The idea of examining alternatives to electoral democracy is not without some merit, for it is common knowledge that massive amounts of money are required to win parliamentary seats, making parliament a millionaire's playground and a source of further monopolisation and corruption. It wasn't always so, Mr Sondhi told the rally. In the 1970s, socialist politicians in Thailand could get elected on the basis of their ideology and popular support, but the emergence of dirty politics in the 1980s crushed any such possibility in the present. New Politics has interesting antecedents. The PAD leadership has clearly been speaking to military figures (this is now well-documented in the Thai-language press) who tried to stifle the emergence of parliament in the 1980s. Indeed, selectoral democracy nicely fits with corporatist visions of the old "Revolutionary Council". The council, to which General Chavalit Yongchaiyudh was said to have an association, held that elections merely led to parliamentary dictatorship and proposed a form of corporate representation to realise the "general will" of the people. A former communist, Prasert Sapsunthon, was the inspiration for this Thai appropriation of Rousseau, the French theorist of the social contract. Mr Prasert became a leading intellectual among military circles calling for non-elective forms of democracy. When the Revolutionary Council effectively declared itself a provisional government during the political crisis of 1988, the elected Chatichai government took it to court for treason. It then faded into obscurity, but its ideas have never quite gone away, finding support among small rightist groups and even in some labour circles. "New Politics" is unashamedly pro-military and even codifies the conditions under which military intervention may occur. Mr Sondhi has spoken of four conditions for military intervention: when charges of lese majeste are not acted on; when a government is incompetent; when corruption is rife; when a government betrays national sovereignty. It is not clear if permissible military intervention according to the PAD's envisaged system of selectocracy is to be in the form of a coup d'etat or the exercise of some new administrative power to compel government agencies to rectify a wrong. But what is clear is that the PAD has explicitly sanctioned ongoing military intervention in politics. Of course, anyone looking at the Thai military will know that it is a conflicted organisation, with pro- and anti-government factions and both corporate and individual commercial interests. How such an organisation might work to protect the "general will" of the people is not at all clear, notwithstanding the fact that politicised militaries the world over become deeply corrupt and self-serving. In part, the answer for the PAD lies in who controls the military. An important feature of Mr Sondhi's speech that went unreported in the press was the proposal to take the Ministry of Defence out of government control and place it under the Crown. At a time when Thailand is urgently facing the need to institutionalise its politics around public rules, the PAD is proposing to formally enhance the power of the monarchy. For many observers, the PAD's latest thinking comes as no surprise. They say that from the start the PAD was associated with opportunist use of nationalist and royalist discourse in its call for a royally-appointed government to replace the Thai Rak Thai caretaker government in March 2006. That the PAD should now become an agent of political regression, willing to hand power to the military and bureaucracy, flows from the logic of its initial strategy to beat Mr Thaksin with the royalist and nationalist stick. On the contrary, I would argue that whatever one may make of the early anti-Thaksin movement, its politics were, in part, a form of royal liberalism; it was legitimately concerned with the authoritarian slide during the Thaksin era. And this means that the PAD's current phase is a significant departure from its earlier stance and is of great significance. Most dangerously, the PAD's new turn has the potential to lend a significant social base to a conservative and reactionary form of corporatism. In the 1980s, the semi-fascist corporatist politics of the Revolutionary Council were marginalised as Thai politics democratised. The council became a laughing stock and the organisation was dubbed the "Joke Council". Somehow, the PAD seems to have reversed Marx's dictum that history repeats itself, first as tragedy and then as farce. The PAD's metamorphosis comes at an odd moment when it seems to be making ground. It played an opportunistic role in capturing the ministerial scalp of Jakrapob Penkair. It gave support to the legitimacy of the Assets Scrutiny Committee (ASC), whose constitutional standing was questioned by pro-Thaksin forces. The Constitutional Court affirmed its standing. And if the Office of the Attorney-General appears unconvinced of the readiness of many of the cases presented by the ASC, the National Counter Corruption Commission seems ready to take on some of the cases. Just as its demands are being met, the PAD has now put itself at the extreme margins of Thai politics. Many people have already deserted the PAD because of its hyper-nationalism and attacks on progressive activists who express views different than its own. Some people have, it seems, been forced to leave. There are reports that speakers from the stage have called on Democrat party members to leave the rally. How far the PAD has travelled is perhaps illustrated by reference to a rally I observed in the middle of last week. A well-known rock star called on the spirit of the 1950s dictator Sarit Thanarat to deal decisively with corruption. The best that can be said of that episode is that people were applauding on cue - after four weeks of clapping, it's almost a reflex.But the PAD leadership has no such excuse; it has embraced a politics so contrary to its starting point that it now looks as bad as that which it sought to slay. "New Politics" may well be the dying breath of the PAD, as those who thought they were fighting for a form of liberal democracy desert its ranks. A protester I was sitting close to was visibly angry with Mr Sondhi, shouting out: "Who are you to abolish parliament?" Actually, that's an appropriate question for the last generation of Thai politics.

New party, same as the old party

Wiriyapong The People Power party (PPP) is preparing to set up a new political entity if ex-deputy leader Yongyuth Tiyapairat is disqualified by the Supreme Court on Tuesday in the conclusion to the vote-buying case from last year's general election. The ruling by the Supreme Court's election cases division could affect the future of the PPP because Mr Yongyuth was an executive member when the alleged poll fraud took place. A PPP source said yesterday Songkram Kitlertpairoj, a Samut Prakan MP, had been assigned to register a new political party called Puea Thai. Banjongsak Wongrattanawan would be the leader and Olarn Kitlertpairoj, Mr Songkram's step-brother, would be the secretary-general, the source said. The new party would take in MPs from the PPP if the PPP is ordered to be dissolved, the source added. Those MPs who move to the new party are required to form a government. But if they fail, Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej would be asked to exercise his authority to dissolve the House and call a general election, the source said. Mr Yongyuth could not be reached for comment yesterday. But Sakorn Sirichai, his lawyer, quoted him as saying that the former House speaker will respect the court's ruling whichever way it goes. Business leaders played down the potential economic impact of the case as the country's investment atmosphere is already weak regardless of today's court ruling. Representatives of the Board of Trade and the Federation of Thai Industries (FTI) said investor sentiment, which was already unfavourable, was unlikely to deteriorate much further. "In the worst-case scenario, where the [Yongyuth] ruling leads to the PPP's dissolution and we have to have an election, this would not have a significant impact on investor confidence," said Board of Trade deputy secretary-general Pornsil Patcharintanakul. "At present, the business sector has very little confidence in politics. I don't think investors will commit to new ventures in Thailand at the moment." FTI vice-chairman Adisak Rohitasune agreed, saying businesses were more worried about rising oil prices and the anti-government protests led by the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD). "We can accept changes in the democratic system," said Mr Adisak. "But the deadlock brought on by the anti-government protests should end peacefully. This is our main concern." The secretary-general of the Japanese Chamber of Commerce in Bangkok, Tsuyoshi Inoue, said Japanese investors are not worried by recent political problems so long as the situation does not end up hurting the economy. "Last year, the political situation was very bad but the Thai economy still grew by more than 4%. Japanese firms, therefore, have not lost any confidence in Thailand," he said. But Japanese companies which have not yet set up in Thailand may adopt a wait-and-see stance before investing here, added Mr Inoue. For today's case, the court completed its witness hearings on May 20. The Election Commission accused Mr Yongyuth, then a PPP deputy leader, of offering money to a group of kamnans [tambon heads] in Chiang Rai's Mae Chan district in return for helping his sister, La-ong Tiyapairat, win the election. Chaiwat Changkaokham, a 52-yearold kamnan in Mae Chan, was a key witness testifying against Mr Yongyuth. In his testimony on May 8, Mr Chaiwat said each of the kamnans in Mae Chan district was paid 20,000 baht. He said that in October last year he was contacted by Mr Yongyuth's aide, who asked him to travel to Bangkok to meet the Chiang Rai politician with fellow kamnans from the same district and Banjong Yangyuen, municipal mayor of tambon Janjawa. His group agreed to travel to Bangkok on Oct 28, 2007. They met Mr Yongyuth at a hotel. Mr Yongyuth asked them to help canvass for his sister, a constituency MP candidate for the PPP, and other PPP candidates, Mr Chaiwat told the court. After his group agreed to support Ms La-ong and the other PPP candidates who were Mae Chan natives, Mr Yongyuth left the hotel room where they had met, Mr Chaiwat said. Mr Banjong then allegedly gave each member of the group an envelope containing 20,000 baht in cash. Sakorn Sirichai, Mr Yongyuth's lawyer, said the case is a civil one and Mr Yongyuth and Ms La-ong will not necessarily turn up in court to hear the verdict.

Cambodia stays cool

in Aranyaprathet Despite concerns about a political backlash similar to the ransacking of the Thai Embassy in 2003, the Cambodian public and media are reacting calmly to the raging Thailand controversy over Preah Vihear temple. Read more on the Preah Vihear issue in Sunday Perspective - Click here) "Cambodia has the right to seek a World Heritage status for Preah Vihear temple, and Thai people also have the right to protest against it," said Mr Sou Chamroeun, deputy director of Bayon television station in Phnom Penh . "The Cambodian government and its people understand the issues raised by Thai politicians and they believe bilateral relations will not be harmed," Mr Sou said in a telephone interview with Perspective last Thursday. The interview was conducted at the same time as the no-confidence debate in the Thai parliament, where the opposition Democrat party accused Foreign Minister Noppadon Pattama of acting beyond his authority by signing a joint communique with Cambodia to have the ancient temple listed as a World Heritage site. "The World Court has ruled that the temple belongs to Cambodia and everyone must respect its ruling," said Mr Sou, who is also a deputy chairman of the Cambodian Writers Association. He dismissed fears about adverse reactions against the Thai people and businessmen living in Cambodia. "It is unlikely that there will be a repeat of the 2003 events," he said. In January 2003, a Cambodian newspaper article falsely alleged that a Thai actress claimed that Angkor Wat belonged to Thailand. Other Cambodian print and radio media picked up the report and furthered the nationalistic sentiment which resulted in riots in Phnom Penh on January 29. The Thai Embassy was burned and properties of Thai businesses were vandalised. Mr Sou's views are shared by Mr Khieu Kanharith, the minister of information of Cambodia, who said any problems concerning the temple's boundaries should be settled by the joint Thai-Cambodian committee, which holds regular meetings. In his opinion, both Thailand and Cambodia will benefit from tourism and related businesses if Preah Vihear temple is listed as a World Heritage Site. In fact, he noted, Thailand would gain more than Cambodia because most of the tourists would have to pass through Thailand in order to visit the ancient temple. During the censure debate, the Democrats insisted the Thai government's support for Cambodia's unilateral listing of Preah Vihear would remove Thailand's right to have ownership of the temple reviewed. Democrat party leader Abhisit Vejjajiva said the Cambodian map that Foreign Minister Noppadon had acknowledged could put Thailand at a disadvantage in talks to settle the borderline with Cambodia . The Thai media have demanded to know why a number of Cambodians have moved into a disputed area close to the temple. If these Cambodians stay there permanently, it might cause Thailand to lose part of the area in dispute. On this issue, Mr Hourt Song Hak, a reporter for the Cambodian daily Koh Santipap, agreed that the Cambodian settlers must be moved out of the area. Other than that, it is the Cambodian government's right to seek the listing of Preah Vihear, which belongs to Cambodia, as a World Heritage Site, he told Perspective. Interestingly, the Cambodian reactions to the controversy are typically in stark contrast to the nationalistic mood of Thai politicians, media and academics. Thai historian Thepmontri Limpaphayom has suggested that if the Cambodian request is put on the agenda of the World Heritage Committee in Quebec early next month, Thailand's World Heritage Committee should resign to pressure other member states of the World Heritage Committee to postpone considering the issue. Meanwhile, Supreme Commander Gen Boonsang Niampradit said the Royal Thai Air Force had already put its transport planes on standby in case it was necessary to evacuate Thais from Cambodia if the issue gets out of hand. During the height of violence in Phnom Penh on Jan 29, 2003 - when rioters attacked the Thai Embassy and the premises of Thai-owned businesses, including Shin Corp, then owned by the family of former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra - the Thai government sent military aircraft to Phnom Penh to evacuate Thai nationals, while angry Thai protesters demonstrated outside the Cambodian Embassy in Bangkok. Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen attributed the government's failure to prevent the attacks to incompetence, and noted that the riots were stirred up by extremists. The then chairman of the National Assembly, Prince Norodom Ranariddh, claimed that opposition leader Sam Rainsy had directed the attacks. Rainsy, instead, said he had tried to prevent the violence.

The oldest survivor

Tamarine Tanasugarn is the only Thai in the final 16 at Wimbledon. At 31,Tammy is also the oldest woman still standing in the tournament. When Japan's 32-year-old Ai Sugiyama lost her third round match to Alisa Kleybanova, it was up to fellow Asian Tammy to show the rest of the world that 30-somethings still can play tennis. And she did that. She gave away 11 years to New Zealand's Marina Erakovic on Saturday and came back from a first-round concentration lapse to a 4-6 6-4 6-4 victory. "Maybe when you are my age you are happier as a tennis player than when you're in the 20s. I'm happy right now even if I'm the oldest in the draw," she laughed after the match. Tammy admitted her concentration had been "on another planet," but she was able to use the experience of more than 760 Tour matches to pull herself through and land in the fourth Wimbledon round. The last time she did that, she was 27, and it was 2004. "It's a good feeling to be back in the second week of a grand slam," she said. "I've never been in a grand slam quarter-final before. I've played many fourth round matches here at Wimbledon and I've been very disappointed not to go on. "But, now I'm thinking, wow! There was a 128-woman draw and there are just 16 left and I'm there, so it's good already. If I make the quarters it's great but if I lose in the [final] 16s it's fine." Now much closer to the end of her career than the beginning, the Thai ace is in the form of her life and happily mixing it with the young crowd. Tammy always has done well on grass, and if her form during the grasscourt season this year is anything to go by, she will give world No 2 Jelena Jankovic a run for her money on Monday. Jankovic is also the second seed in the tournament at Wimbledon. She reached the quarter-finals at Birmingham before a superb run at Den Bosch where she claimed just the second Tour title of her career by beating French Open runner-up Dinara Safina. "I'm just having fun and enjoying all my matches," Tamarine told reporters after her Wimbledon match. "The way I think about tennis and life is different now. It's not like 'AAAGGH' after every defeat or thinking I have to do this and don't do that. There's always another tournament." Tamarine still No 60 in the world, is a popular player in the locker room and feels completely at home at the All England Club which hosts the Wimbledon tour. "It's funny, I've been using the same toilet and the same shower every day," she said. "I just like that room!" She also had a kind word for Paradorn Srichaphan, still sidelined for the second year with a wrist injury. Paradorn took the spotlight away from Tammy for several years, but in her interview on Saturday at Wimbledon, Tamarine told reporters: "I hope he is coming back because we miss him...Thailand misses him." (Compiled by BangkokPost.com from Wimbledon.org and news agency reports)